EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY AND THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST COLONIAL SLAVERY IN THE EARLY 1830s IN PEMBROKESHIRE
By Simon Hancock
Although not tied to any particular denomination or institution, Evangelicalism was an extremely important variety of Protestant Christianity. Evangelicalism emerged during the 1730s and exerted a powerful influence on society and culture during subsequent decades. This dynamic · religious and ideological movement changed over time but is generally accepted as having four defining theological characteristics. Conversionism; [acceptance of Christ as one’s saviour] Activism; [efforts to bring about the conversion of others] Biblicism [the source of all spiritual truth] and Crucicentrism, the latter being ‘the most compelling testimony both to the power of sin and to the sacrificial love of God ‘.1 Individualism was also a pronounced tendency of Evangelicals.
One of the most compelling reasons for studying Evangelicalism in the nineteenth century is the variety of consequences caused by its diffusion throughout society. The capacity of Evangelicalism to facilitate community building, or in extending the role of women in a general sense, is well attested. Evangelicals often played major roles in the major social issues of the nineteenth century. Without doubt the greatest of these, in the early 1830s was the campaign for the abolition of slavery which still existed in the British Empire. The abolitionist crusade had already been successful in ending slavery within the British Isles in 1807.
Most traditional accounts of the abolitionist movement dutifully rehearse the liturgy of dates and illustrious roll call of names, which rightfully punctuate the successes of their earlier campaigns. The giant of the movement, William Wilberforce, the epitome of Christian social engagement, declared ‘God Almighty has set before me two great objects, the suppression of the slave trade and the reformation of manners’ .2 He and the ‘Clapham Sect’ of socially conscious Anglicans worked tirelessly on a range of causes, and together with the Quaker-inspired Society for the Abolition of Slavery [founded in 1787] succeeded in getting the British Parliament to legislate for its abolition on 25 March 1807.3
Traditional accounts of the anti-slavery campaign continually emphasise the importance of Evangelical-inspired Christians throughout these decades. Some accounts have stressed the popular, radical anti-slavery movement, which flourished in the 1790s, and also the Quakers who supplied money, / manpower and ideas before Evangelicals became actively involved. Yet
it is surely right to conclude that ‘Evangelicals were central to the whole enterprise’ .4 Individuals like Clarkson, Newton, Macaulay, Thomas Powell, Buxton, James Stephen et al, economic boycotts against slave-grown sugar, tracts by the hundreds of thousands and parliamentary lobbying, were signs of a new and sensitive activism and moral ascendancy which bore fruit in the first decades of the nineteenth century. The anti-slavery movement had many threads of which religious Evangelicalism was prominent. Evangelicals were ‘entirely in harmony with the spirit of the age that set benevolence among its highest value’.5
This assumption, together with their moral philosophy, was given an extraordinary and positive dynamic of their own by Evangelicals who transformed them into a religious key.6 Traditionally, the abolitionist movement has always been represented as the apogee of Evangelical humanitarianism; the triumph of the doctrine of social responsibility. The vitality of British Protestantism accounted for a large part of the success of the British anti-slavery movement 7 laying the foundation for Christian reform action.8 but it perhaps more accurate to say that the movement was delineated along the lines of religious morality rather than humanitarianism. This narrow orthodoxy left little room for concern ‘with the plight of any other points of human suffering’ .9 Thus nonconformists were often ambivalent concerning other social issues and did not share an equal enthusiasm for the working classes, or workhouse inmates as they did for slaves.
Perhaps the dramatic and exotic excited greater feeling than the more subtle forms of domestic inequalities. This humanitarianism did not lead to a fundamental reordering of the social and economic hierarchy.10 Missionary movements were established across the country, including Pembrokeshire. On 7 June 1832 a well-attended meeting at the Guildhall, Haverfordwest was held for the purpose of establishing a Church of England Missionary Society. The Revs. Hazlewood, Adams, Austin, Byers, Brigstocke and Turner advocated the cause and ‘a liberal collection was made for the support of the society’.11 The Haverfordwest Wesleyan Methodists seem to have possessed a vibrant Missionary Society. On 19 October 1834 a public meeting attended by ministers of other denominations and chaired by W. H. Scourfield Esq. saw the chapel packed to excess. The collection amounted to £22.12
The core theological beliefs of Evangelicalism receive ample attention in the context of British anti-slavery. After all, anti-slavery thought could not in any way be divorced from the general body of Protestant theology in which it was rooted.13 At the very centre of their beliefs, and the doctrine that propelled so much of their activism was the concept of redemption. Through the redemptive work of Christ came that unutterable assurance that sins were forgiven.14 When applied to the world it involved an almost physical release from bondage, 15 which the West Indian slaves so palpably, lacked. For Evangelicals, the journey from the slavery of sin to the freedom of the children of God was fundamental to their experiences.16
Evangelicals viewed the world from a theological perspective. Since their own concepts also incorporated reason, they were able to attract many well read and educated individuals. 17 There was a clear spiritual imperative to strike down slavery, which constituted the greatest of all social evils. The anti-slavery stance has been highlighted as typical of these years, dubbed the ‘years of conscience’, when moral imperatives dictated policy, rather than political calculation.18 Belief in an ideology, which carried the revealed word of God, was a powerful motivational factor and one, which certainly galvanised the collective consciences of such a large number of British Protestants.19 Dissenters, especially, were powerful leaders in British politics during these decades and they were usually staunch advocates of both liberal and humanitarian reforms.20
Nothing short of immediate emancipation would do although the government’s proposed scheme of apprenticeship for slaves and grant of £20 million for the planters and slave-owners excited much controversy [such recompense was seen as rewarding the criminal for the loss of his stolen property].21 The Emancipation Bill became law on 29 August 1833, with slavery officially abolished on 1 August 1834. The six years of apprentice ship which some slaves were to serve was seen as a more subtle form of slavery which thus officially ended in 1838.
The most fundamental aspect of Evangelical objection to slavery was the argument that it was criminal in the sight of God. This was the most compelling theological and moral reason they gave and one, which was widely encountered. The moment slavery was identified with sin; it could no longer be tolerated .22 The leading Evangelical abolitionist, Sir George Stephen, put it succinctly: ‘It was self-evident that if the religious world could be induced to enter upon the subject … and viewing it simply as a question between God and man, the battle was won.’ 23
This view is amply demonstrated in the columns of two early Welsh news papers, The Cambrian [published in Swansea from 1804] and The Welsh man, a Carmarthen-based newspaper established in 1832. Pembrokeshire Evangelicals were not tardy in the anti-slavery agitation. On 12 January 1826 a meeting was held at the Guildhall, Haverfordwest, when petitions to both Houses of Parliament were prepared and signed. The meeting was chaired by John Frederick Campbell [1790-1860] who was created Earl Cawdor in 1827. The audience, which packed the fine neo-classical building with its handsome gates and piers called upon the government to ‘adopt those just and necessary improvements in the condition of so large and wretched a portion of the human family’ .24
On Tuesday 24 May 1832 a meeting of the burgesses and inhabitants of Carmarthen took place at their Guildhall to hear the Rev. J. Thomas, the resident Wesleyan Methodist minister in that town argue that slavery was an evil ‘to which the tyrannical passions of men gave birth’. Moreover, he stressed the starkness of the issue: ‘slavery and Christianity are as much at variance as light and darkness, as Christ and Belial.’ 25 Similar arguments were being advanced across Wales. At Wrexham Town Hall in September 1832 a Mr Baldwin stated that since he based his anti-slavery arguments on eternal truth, they must command universal assent. Slavery, he asserted, was against the feelings of humanity and against the laws of God.
That the abolition of colonial slavery was an important political question was manifest, when on 10 December 1832 the election to return a member to the reformed Parliament for Haverfordwest took place. Sir Richard Bulkeley Philipps Philipps [1801-1857] had held the seat since 1826. He arrived at Haverfordwest in his carriage, preceded by a band of musicians and a banner-carrying crowd. The Guildhall was packed with electors, one of whom, William Thomas, enquired of the titled candidate whether he would pledge to put an end to oppressive measures which he listed as the Corn Laws, tithes and ‘the abominable system of slavery in the colonies’.26 In his reply Sir Richard alluded to the support which he had given for a proposed enquiry into slavery which had been voted down. His publicly stated support for this measure an obvious attempt to highlight his humanitarian credentials. Sir Richard Bulkeley Philipps Philipps was successfully returned as member for the Town and County of Haverford west and he served two terms, 1826-1835 and 1837-1847. 27
The 1832-1833 Campaign against colonial slavery had clear political and economic consequences. It is held that Evangelicals exercised consider able influence during the General Election in that year of reform, 1832. The Agency Committee published lists of parliamentary candidates as either ‘pledged’ [for abolition] or ‘irredeemable’.28 Local anti-slavery associations would only support candidates who would vote for emancipation, regardless of their political persuasion. In one celebrated incident, no fewer than sixty-six members of Parliament appeared on a public platform and promised to vote as they were directed.29
The ability of Evangelicalism to demonstrate political potency is illustrated in an advertisement addressed to the independent electors of Carmarthen from E. H. Adams Esq. of Middleton Hall. He specifically mentioned his staunch support for the abolitionist campaign.30 Politics of party were always important although to many Evangelicals they were secondary to discharging their Christian obligations. Nor were Evangelicals tolerant of political inconsistency. The Rev. Jabez Bunting, President of the Methodist Conference, earned scorn and derision by voting for an anti-abolitionist candidate whilst at the same time calling for abolition.3 1
Even more explicitly Christian arguments against slavery were advanced in 1833 as the Evangelical tempo reached fever pitch. At a public meeting at Haverfordwest on I 5 January I 833, nearly all the speakers invoked the argument that slavery was incompatible with Christianity. John Lewis maintained ‘according to the precepts of the Christian religion we are called upon to blot out this damned spot of slavery from our national escutcheon’ .32 He subsequently supported the resolution that British colonial slavery was irreconcilable with Christianity. 33 The Rev. Samuel Fenton, vicar of Fishguard, commented that slavery was contrary to both reason and revelation, whilst the Rev. David Davies, in a statement which hammers home the scholarly views on Evangelicalism already cited, proclaimed ‘Christians are under the greatest obligation. Emancipated from the bondage of sin you must feel for the double slavery of the Negro, both of body and soul’.34
One of the most significant stances taken by Evangelicals in 1832-1833 was the adoption of what has been called immediatism. 35 Only immediate and unconditional abolition would do, with no amelioration or halfway house of compromise possible. Since slavery represented the powers of darkness no compromise or gradual settlement was feasible. This important tenet of Evangelical convictions has been traced to Mrs Elizabeth Heyrick’ s work entitled Immediate Not Gradual Abolition, in which she argued that slavery should be ‘immediately and for ever abolished’ .36 The immediatist phase of the abolitionist campaign is usually taken as having started with the Rev. Andrew Thomson’s sermon in October 1829.37The demand for immediate emancipation was a truly Evangelical one. James Stephen fuelled the radical shift to immediatism in his two volumes The Slavery in the British West Indies Delineated [1824-1830].38 In July 1832 the Wesleyan Methodists committed themselves to immediate emancipation. Uncompromising, absolute language was used: abolish, extinguish, destroy and annihilate were the words regularly use d by Evangelicals who were stimulated by deep religious faith and conscious of what they thought was right. One group of ladies were in no doubt of the necessity of abolishing ‘immediately and entirely’ slavery in the colonies. 39 The efforts of the Anti-Slavery Agency Committee and Anti Slavery Reporter did much to popularise immediatism in the Evangelical campaigns, maintaining that it only required the steam of public opinion [employing the language of technology and progress] to ‘annihilate colonial slavery in one majestic stroke’.40
At a Carmarthen meeting in May 1832 the Rev. Thomas stated that the business of their meeting was about the speedy and entire abolition of colonial slavery.4 1 At another meeting the Rev. W. Powell pointed to the inefficiency of measures to improve the conditions of the slaves. The meeting went on to move the resolution: ‘That the history of all past attempts to ameliorate the condition of slaves, sufficiently demonstrates on the one hand, that slavery cannot be made compatible either with the welfare of society or the claims of religion .’ 42
The important issue of immediatism was especially prominent at the Haverfordwest anti-slavery meeting in January 1833, which was held in the Guildhall at the top of High Street, near St. Mary’s Church. David Davies expressed his relief that the meeting was not going to propose amelioration or mitigation, ‘which would be only to prolong the monster’s life ‘. 43 Rather, he asserted, to loud cheers, he under stood the meeting to be about slavery’s ‘utter extinction, its entire annihilation’.44 Equally, John Lewis invoked historical parallels in mocking those who advocated slow improvement. Talk of gradual improvement for slaves would be like recommending toleration ‘to a set of Spanish Inquisitors or Grecian liberty to a Turkish Divan’.45 The Rev. John Bulmer of Haverfordwest called for immediate emancipation : ‘if emancipation be not speedily effected, I am determined to preach for it on all proper occasions.’ 46
Although Evangelicals campaigned for immediate emancipation primarily on theological grounds, social, economic and commercial factors were sometimes also cite d. When Mr George Pilkington addressed an anti slavery meeting at the Nelson Hotel, Milford Haven in January 1833 he reassured his audience that immediate release from slavery would be advantageous, safe and practical.47
That immediatism was a powerful weapon is clea r, especially because of its emphasis on moral imperatives. In their letter of Instructions issued to their agents, the Agency Committee explicitly stated that the principle ought to be that slavery should be ‘immediately and for ever abolished ‘.48 A distinctive feature of Evangelicalism was its stern moral absolutism whose demands were ‘immutable, sacrosanct and certainly not open to negotiation’.49
The anti-slavery campaign witnessed an unprecedented pet1t10ning of legislators. The point has been well made that these petitions were no mere aggregate of signatures but rather the end product of expenditures of energy, money and resources. Almost all the petitions resulted from public meetings called for abolition. 50 They were an accurate reflection of public opinion on that issue and were a potent symbol of an Evangelical ‘people mobilised ‘.51 Gathering petitions required quite complex social and religious networking sometimes over large geographical areas.
The coverage reached by Evangelical-inspired anti-slavery petitions was truly staggering. One in five British people over the age of 15 in 1833 and some ninety per cent of the Wesleyan Methodist Connexion ‘ s membership signed these petitions, which were sent to Westminster.52 Only the later Chartist petitions came anywhere near in approaching this level of public participation. The anti-slavery petitions achieved speedy and impressive political results. In May 1833 the Government sponsored an Emancipation Bill only a matter of a few months after the King’ s Speech neglected even to mention colonial slavery.53 Newspapers, local and national, contained almost daily accounts of anti-slavery petitions being delivered to Parliament. On 11 June 1830 petitions praying for the abolition of Negro slavery, containing 30,000 names from three denominations of Protestant Dissenters within 12 miles of London were handed into the House of Commons.54
Around 4,000 petitions were presented in the session of 1833, of which 229,426 were Methodist.55 This was often achieved by following the Protestant Congregationalist community’s organisational pattern, with staggering results. In February and March 1833 no more than 21 petitions had been received by Parliament in any one day. However, on 3 April 1833
55 petitions arrived and 200 more followed on 26 April. Another 200 were handed in on 13 May and an astounding 500 on 14 May.56 It has been estimated that one and a half million people signed anti-slavery petitions, an impressive tally for a movement in which Evangelicals were prominent.
Petitions demonstrated the penetration of anti-slavery sentiment throughout all levels of British society . Sometimes the language was steeped in the political vernacular of what has been termed artisan radicalism, but the prominence of the Evangelical message was clear enough. On 18 February 1833 Earl Cawdor presented two petitions praying for the abolition of colonial slavery from Haverfordwest and Milford Haven to the House of Lords.57
The anti-s la very petitions were doubtless circulated to each local church and chapel. In the Haverfordwest Circuit of the Wesleyan Methodist Church the accounts for 1830 record the sum of 6s 3d for paper for petitions and an even larger sum, 8s 3d expended for the same purpose in 1833. 58 On 8 November 1830 the House of Lords received anti-slavery petitions from ‘Members of a society and congregation of Wesleyan Methodists worshipping at Pembroke, “Southern Pitts”, Haking, Waterston, Merlin’s Bridge, Milford, Spittal, Roach, Hearson Mountain, Carew, Jefferson, Narberth, Pembroke Doc k and Redberth’ .59 T hat same day a petition calling for the abolition of slavery was submitted by Wesleyan Methodists worshipping at their chapel in the Town and County of Haverfordwest.60 Three days later [11 November 1830] the members of the Calvinistic Methodist persuasion ‘ worshipping in the Tabernacle ‘ at Haverfordwest sent in a petition.61 On 18 November 1 830 the minister and members of the Particular Baptist denomination at Haverfordwest, the Independents of Narberth and the Baptists of Milford Haven submitted similar petitions.62 It is with good reason that Roland Thorne has described petitioning Parliament in the early nineteenth century as reaching a crescendo. 63
The difference in the balance of public opinion as expressed in petitions was truly startling. The Welshman of 12 July 1833 reported how, up to that time, 4,603 petitions had been sent to Westminster, containing 1,209,355 names urging abolition, whilst only one petition, containing a mere 391 signatures, called upon Parliament to resist immediate emancipation.
The burning theological priority of preaching the gospel was one of the fruits of Evangelical conversion as was a sign of activism. This ensured that Evangelicals were particularly receptive to the plight of Christian missionaries in the British West Indies, especially after the brutal suppression of the Jamaican slave rebellion of 1831. Slavery was widely perceived to be a barrier to the missionary progress of the gospel in the Caribbean, hence the comment of John Dyer, secretary of the Baptist Missionary Society, ‘either Christianity or slavery must fall’.64 The persecution which slave owners and planters inflicted on missionaries suspected of fermenting slave rebellion stoked Evangelical indignation. Sometimes missionaries suffered on account of the abolitionist statements of their home churches. To this Methodist missionaries were particularly vulnerable.65 The news of imprisoned ministers and Baptist chapels razed to the ground raised the temperature of the anti-slavery campaign. Those who suffered at the hands of the planters attracted a certain martyrdom. When Henry Whiteley, a missionary, published an account of his expe riences, his book sold 200,000 copies in just a fortnight.66
At Haverfordwest the Rev. Daniel Davies referred to the deliberate policy of the planters in seeking to banish Methodist missionaries from Jamaica since ‘Methodism in every form, whether under a surplice or black coat, is equally offensive to them and their trade’.67 We are in no doubt that Christian missionaries were seen from an Evangelical perspective as bringing light, hope and the message of a saving gospel to the slaves. Interference or persecution of that mission was singled out as being especially wicked.
There is very little evidence of women’s activism or even attendance at these anti-slavery meetings. It may be that their presence was just not recorded. At a Carmarthen meeting all ten speakers were male 68 and there is no reference to women heing in the audience. In Pembrokeshire the requisition to call the anti-slavery meeting was signed by seventy-seven men.69 When Daniel Davies chaired the Haverfordwest meeting he opened with the words ‘gentlemen’ .70 Perhaps the undoubted involvement of women, which certainly took place nationally, was more pronounced in an urban, metropolitan context that in rural areas like west Wales.
The degree of public interest in, and attendance at anti-slavery meetings has been widely asserted ‘ with a pattern of crammed halls, overspill audiences, throngs travelling great distances – of all classes and sexes – waiting patiently for and during the lectures’.71 Such statements are substantiated by articles in local newspapers. The Carmarthen meeting was ‘more numerous and respectable’ than on previous occasions. 72 At Haverfordwest the chairman was gratified to see ‘so large and respectable an audience.’ 73
We can learn much about the Evangelical influences in this area of social concern by examining the balance of leadership and engagement between Anglicanism and Nonconformity. Secondary literature seems to suggest a general correlation between the growing British anti-slavery movement and the rise of Evangelical nonconformity.74 However, the campaign reached well beyond the confines of organised nonconformity and was often communally rather than denominationally based, initially at least. That said, anti-slavery societies did establish particularly strong links with the Wesleyan Methodists and Baptists in 1831-1833. 75 Although some bishops might have feared that if slavery was abolished tithes might be next; many Anglicans were active in anti-slavery ranks.
The ecumenical nature of anti-slavery is clearly demonstrated. The denominations of many who spoke at the meetings are sometimes difficult or impossible to detect, although when denominations are given they often represented a wide spectrum of Christian allegiance. In Pembrokeshire there is no evidence of Roman Catholic involvement [at Abergavenny a Catholic priest, the Rev. J. W. Henderson spoke]. 76 The Haverfordwest meeting saw prominent contributions from the Rev. John Bulmer, pastor of Albany Congregational Church [1813-1839] and from the Rev. Samuel Fenton, vicar of Fishguard [18 25-1852].77
Determining the balance of religious and secular leadership in a local context is very challenging . Communal-based organisations, sometimes with popular, radical support, also made vigorous efforts in the abolitionist campaign. Religious denominations accounted for 56% of anti-slavery petitions in 1833 but rather less than 27% of actual signat ures. 78 The often middle-class nature of Evangelicalism could blunt its appeal to the wider population. The number of signatures mobilised against granting Roman Catholics political rights attracted nowhere near this level of support. It might be reasonable to conclude that the anti-slavery campaign of 1832-1833 represented the confluence of religious and secular influences, although the religious aspect remained far more important than most other influences.
At Haverfordwest the main movers behind the anti-slavery meeting were from both secular and clerical worlds. The former included the county gentry, including J. H. Allen of Cresselly; a local medical practitioner, John Howell MD; an elected politician, Sir John Owen MP and a secular high-ranking official, the High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire.79 After the royal assent to the Emancipation Bill on 29 August 1833, further agitation followed regarding the thorny issue of the ‘ apprenticeship ‘ provisions for the freed slaves. As well as freeing some 800,000 black slaves, the campaign had tangible consequences for increased optimism in society and in a teleological belief in progress in the human condition .
The synthesis of religious and political action ‘had profound implications for middle class optimism and the idea of progress’80 and represented a shining light that religious principle could indeed triumph over commercial considerations. It is asserted that the world benefited morally from the abolition of slavery within the British Empire and provided a dynamic thrust forward to the notion of a universal God alive in the world.
This was Evangelicalism active in society. It was an activism born of conversion of assurance that individual sins were forgiven , and a commitment to serious religious principle and practice. The anti-slavery campaign across Great Britain, of which the activity of Evangelicals in Pembrokeshire comprised a minute part, met with glorious success in 1833 and showed the short shrift, which they gave to superficial Christian profession.81
I. John Wolffe, ‘Evangelicals, Women and Community in Nineteenth-century Britain’ (Milton Keynes, 2000), 18.
2. Ernest Marshall Howse, Saints in Politics, the ‘Clapham Sect’ and the growth of Freedom (London, 1952), 32.
3. Oliver Warner, William Wilberforce and His Times (London, 1962), 103.
4. D. W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism , in Modern Britain. A history from the 1730s to the 1980s (London, 1989) , 71.
5. I bid., 71.
6. Howse, Saints in Politics, op. cit. 7.
7. Edith F. Hurwit z, Politics and the Public Conscience. Slave Emancipation and the Abolitionist Movement in Britain (Lo ndon, 1973) , I 5.
8. Ibid., 17.
9. Ibid., 42.
10 . John S. Galbraith, ‘Myths of the ‘ Little England Era’, A. G. L. Shaw l ed. I,
Great Britain and the Colonies, /8 /5 – /865 ( Londo n, 1970), 40.
11 . The Cambrian, 15 June 1832.
12. The Cambrian, 24 October 1834.
13. Hurwilz, Politics and the Public Conscience, op. cit., 44.
14. Roger Anstey, ‘The pattern of British abolitionism in the eighteenth and nine teenth centuries,’ Christine Bolt and Seymour Drescher [eds.], Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform: Essays in Memory of Roger Anstey (Folkestone, 19 80) , 21.
16. Roger Anstey, The Atlantic Slave Trade and British Abolition 1760- 1810 (Lon don, 1975), 190.
17 . Ibid., 168.
18. D. W. Bebbington, The Nonconformist Conscience. Chapel and Politics 1870- 1914 (London, 1982), 16.
19. Hurwitz, Politics and the Public Conscience, op. cit., 22.
20. R. G. Cowherd, ‘The Politics of English Dissent, 1832-1848’, Church History (Vol. 23, No. 2, 1954), 136.
21. Howard Temperley, British Anti-Slavery 1833-1870 (London, 1972), 271.
22. D. W. Bebbington, The Nonconformist Conscience, op. cit., 14.
23. Sir George Stephen, Anti-Slavery Recollections in A Series of Letters Addressed to Mrs Beecher Stowe  , (London, 1971), 160.
24. The Cambrian, 3 February 1826.
25. The Welshman, 11 May 1832.
26. The Welshman, 14 December 1832.
27. Roland Thorne, ‘The Political Scene in Haverfordwest 1600-1974’, D. Miles [ed.], A History of Haverfordwest (Llandysul, 1999), 219.
28. Anstey, Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform, op. cit., 28.
29. Howse, Saints in Politics, op. cit., 163.
30. The Welshman, 2 November 1832.
31. The Welshman, 11 May 1832.
32. The Welshman, 25 January 1833.
35. D.W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Mod ern Britain, op. cit., 72.
36. Anstey, Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform , op. cit., 27.
37. Louis Billington and Rosamund Billington, ‘A Burning Zeal for Righteousness: Women in the Anti-Slavery Movement 1820-1860’, Jane Rendall [ed.], Equal or Different? Women’s Politics 1800-1914 (London, 1914) , 90.
38. Hurwitz, Politics and the Public Conscience, op. cit., 36. 39. Ibid., 144.
40. James Walvin, ‘The rise of British popular sentiment for abolition, 1787- 1832 ‘ , Anti-Slavery , Religion and Reform, 158.
41. The Welshman, 11 May 1832.
42. The Welshman, 21 December 1832.
43. The Welshman, 25 January 1833.
48. Report of the Agency Committee of the Anti-Slavery Society (1832), 3.
49. D.W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, op. cit., 136.
50. Seymour Drescher, ‘Public Opinion and the destruction of British Colonial Slavery’, James Walvin [ed.], Slavery and British Society 1776-1846 (London, 1982), 25.
52. D. W. Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain, op. cit., 72.
53. S. Drescher, ‘Public Opinion and the destruction of British Colonial Slavery’,
op. cit., 41.
54. The Times, 12 June 1830.
55. Seymour Drescher, ‘Two variants of Anti-Slavery: Religious Organisation and Social Mobilisation in Britain and France 1780-1870’ , Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform, 48.
56. Hurwitz, Politics and the Public Conscience, op. cit., 62.
57. The Cambrian, 23 February 1833.
58. Pembrokeshire Record Office. Haverfordwest Methodist Circuit accounts, 182 1- 18 3 7 . DFC/M/9/1.
59. House of Lords Journal, Vol. 63. 8 November 1830.
60. Ibid .
61. House of Lords Journal, Vol. 63. l l November 1830.
62. House of Lords Jou rnal, Vol. 63. 18 November 1830.
63. Roland Thorne, ‘The Political Scene’ , History of Haverfordwes t, op. cit., 216.
64. D. W. Bebbing ton, Evangelicalism in Mode rn Britain, op. cit., 133.
65. Michael Crafton, ‘Slave Culture, Resistance and the Achieve ment of Emancipation in the British West Indies 1783- 1838’ , Slavery and British Society, I 0 8.
66. C. Duncan Rice, ‘ The Missionary Context of the British Anti-Slavery Movement’, ibid., 15 9.
67. The Welshman, 25 January 183 3.
68. The Welshman , 11 May 1 832.
69. The Welshman, 11 January 1833.
70. The Welshman, 25 January 1833 .
71. Walvin, Slavery and British Society, op. cit., 54.
72. The Welshman, 11 Ma y 1832.
7 3. The Welshman, 25 January 1833 .
74. S. Drescher, Slavery and British Society, 34.
75. Anstey , Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform, op. cit., 27.
76. The Welshman, 21 December 1832 .
77. The Welshman , 25 January 1833.
78 . S. Drescher, Slavery and British Society, op. cit ., 36 .
79. The Welshman, 18 January 183 2.
80. David Brion David, ‘Slavery and Progress’ , Anti-Slavery, Religion and Reform, 352.
81. Andrew Walls, ‘The Evangelical Revival, The Miss ionary Movement and Africa’. Mark A. Noll, David W. Bebbington and George A. Rawlk [eds.], Evangelicalism. Comparative Studies of Popular Protestantism in North America, The British Isles and Beyond 1700-1900 (Oxford, 1994), 313.