by Philip Davies

In the summer of 1868 Mary Philipps, the eldest surviving daughter of Reverend James Philipps and his wife Mary Catherine married Charles Fisher of Spring Dale, Huddersfield. The following October the newly­ weds, accompanied by Reverend James and Lady Philipps, arrived in Haverfordwest. The Pembrokeshire Herald reported the ‘great rejoicing’ that greeted the return of the largest landowning family in the county.2 In the previous week five arches had been erected between the railway station and Picton House, the Philippses town residence. These were lavishly decorated and banners wishing the young newlyweds happiness and posterity hung along the route the carriage would take through the town. On the morning of their arrival a torrential downpour did little to dampen the carnival atmosphere. Well-wishers thronged the streets and those assembled in Castle Square were led to the station by a brass band. By the Herald’s account it was a jubilant procession that greeted the new heir to Picton Castle. However, it was the return of the lord of the Picton Estate and vicar of Saint Mary’s that produced the greatest reaction. J. W. Phillips, the town mayor, expressed the evident fondness of the crowd for James  Philipps  in an emotional  address,  congratulating  him on his restoration to health and welcoming him back to the county. Throughout the proceedings cannons were loosed in celebration as the bells of St. Mary’s rang out in honour of their returned incumbent.3

Such shows of enthusiasm for the local gentry were common enough in Pembrokeshire.4 As the owners of the Picton Castle estate the Philippses had deep roots in the county. Alongside the Scourfield family of William­ ton, the Owens of Orielton and the Cawdor family of Stackpole Court they were members of a ‘charmed circle ‘ of anglicised, Anglican and Tory landowners who had for centuries exercised tremendous political, social and economic influence over a11 aspects of local life.5 For generations these families had acted as philanthropists and supplied Pembrokeshire with sheriffs, justices of the peace, deputy lieutenants, lord lieutenants and members of Parliament. In the political realm there can be no better example of the level of control wielded by these families than the pact that was agreed between John Owen of Orielton and the Earl of Cawdor in 1812. Having won both the County seat and Pembroke Boroughs, Sir John, as he became in 1813 , chose to represent the County and placed the Boroughs in the safe-keeping of Sir Thomas Picton of Picton Castle.6 It had previously been agreed that that the County seat should be occupied by Viscount Emlyn, the title given to the heir of the Cawdor earldom. In 1817 the Earl produced an heir and an agreement was reached which stated that Sir John would continue to represent the County until 1838 , the year Viscount Emlyn would come of age. E. S. Price has commented that such compacts could be made and adhered to ‘was a testimony to landed power in Pembrokeshire.’ 7 From the landed perspective all must have seemed well in the deferential, arguably paternalistic, 8 garden that tied the gentry and their tenants to the land. However, throughout Wales increasing pressure of poverty, overpopulation and land hunger were intensified from the mid century by the rift that had developed between the over­whelmingly Tory landowners and their Nonconformist, predominantly Welsh speaking and politically Liberal tenantry.9 A booming cheap newspaper press conspired with the Nonconformist preachers to stir discussion and bring politics to the people. 10 The alienation of the ‘ native squire­archy’ 11 would eventually lead to the erosion of the in fluence the land­ owners held over Wels h life.

The 1868 Election in Wales became for some the starting point of this process and the symbol of a new era. The Election was fought on one policy, the disestablishment of the Irish Church; an emotive issue for an apparent ‘natio n of Nonconformists’.12 The Reform Act of the previous year had dramatically increased the Welsh electorate, from 61,575 e lectors in 1865 to 126,571 in 1868 , with the borough constituencies gaining the most from the reforms. 13 Following a lengthy period of campaigning twenty-three of the thirty-three Welsh constituencies returned a Liberal to Westminster.14 This number included the noted radical pacifist Henry Richard who was elected at Merthyr Tydfil. It was Richard who first described the Welsh as a ‘nation of Nonconformists’ in a series of influ­ential letters on the unique social and political conditions of Wales . To Henry Richard the majority of the Welsh gentry class were ‘ Tories of the purest water, who have clung […] to the dismal creed which ma kes the safety of society depend upon putting the utmost restriction upon every form of liberty, whether liberty of speech, or conscience, or worship, or trade, or voting’.15 Received tradition has it that the 1868 Election – following the swelling of the Welsh electorate with men who had their intellectual roots firmly planted in the chapel-Liberal orthodox 16 – was the decisive thrust away from the traditional political authority of the landowners. While the importance of 1868 to the overall Welsh Liberal cause can be debated, with the Welsh Liberal MPs having little to show for their efforts in the 1868-1874 parliamentary session,17 the triumph of a Nonconformist agenda indicated that the traditional bonds of deference that had long served the old order could no longer be relied upon. In Haverfordwest the Irish Question forced Reverend Philipps to break Picton’s traditional ties with the Edwardes family of Williamston, 18 and throw his support behind the Conservatives. This brought defeat in a constituency that had traditionally been a political fiefdom of Picton Castle.

Historically Pembrokeshire had long been something of a political curiosity as between the years 1545 to 1885 it held three constituencies, the County seat, Pembroke Boroughs and Haverfordwest Boroughs. These constituency boundaries were preceded by a far older division betwee n the south and north of the county. The Lansker line – originally a defensive line of castles running through the middle of Pembrokeshire which had separat­ ing the Norman south of the county from the Welsh north – had become an imaginary border that marked the cultural and linguistic differences between the communities of the north and south.19 The villages and towns in the north of the county were more in tune culturally with a Welsh Liberalism that had rapidly become the self-proclaimed champion of Y Werin – the Welsh speak ing, Nonconformist and middle class populace who had long felt neglected by Westminster. 20 In contrast south Pembrokeshire witnessed greater economic development than the north in the nineteenth century. This occurred most noticeably around the Cleddau estuary with the establishment of the Royal Naval Dockyard at the village of Paterchurch in 18 14 , and the development of a commercial port at Milford Haven.21 The steady stream of trades-people and   dockyard artisans into ‘Little England Beyond Wales’ 22 strengthened the cultural differences between those living above and below the Landsker. By 1868 the political differences between the north and south is perhaps best demonstrated by the strong enclave of working-class support for the Tories in the south. 23 In religious terms Anglicanism was far stronger in the Pembroke District than in the Haverfordwest or Narberth Districts and well above the national average.24

Of the three Pembrokeshire constituencies only Haverfordwest returned a Liberal to Westminster in 1868. The County seat passed, uncontested, into the hands of John Scourfield, the retiring M.P. for Haverfordwest.25 A disgruntled correspondent to the radical Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph concluded that Scourfield’s transfer was the result of the new registration that ensured the superiority of the Liberals in the boroughs. With this in mind Scourfield’s friends had ‘strongly urged him to retire to the county where he may rest in peace’.26 Even the Pembroke­shire Herald, always keen to play down the Liberal gains, had to concede that the increased electorate in the Haverfordwest Boroughs had given ‘a few Liberals in this neighbourhood [Narberth] a little territorial influence as the owners of sundry cottages tenanted by working men’.27 When it became apparent that John Scourfield’s transfer would be unchallenged the Telegraph printed the view that ‘no county in South Wales contributes less to the cause of Liberal politics than Pembrokeshire. Mr. Scourfield, [they claimed] is both a Tory and a bigot’. 28 A staunch protector of landed interests, Scourfield would later oppose Watkin Williams’ Welsh Disestab­lishment Bill on the grounds that it would lead to increased agitation between Churchmen and Dissenters. 29 In 1876 John Scourfield was awarded a baronetcy by Disraeli, he died shortly thereafter.30

In the Pembroke Boroughs the long reign of Orielton ended with the election of the Conservative Thomas Meyrick of the Bush estate 31 over Sir Hugh Owen – a politician with a thoroughly undistinguished parlia­mentary career. Having inherited the seat from his father in 1861 Sir Hugh’s most noticeable contribution appears to have been missing a Commons debate on the future of Naval Dockyards.32 Having switched his allegiance to the Liberals Owen was defeated by the emphasis Meyrick placed on local issues. With the future of the Dockyard, and therefore the town, in question 33 Pembroke Boroughs bucked the national trend in that local issues outweighed the Irish Question. 34 A Pembroke correspondent to the Carmarthen Journal succinctly expressed this by remarking that ‘local interests ought to be the first in preference , because they effect […] our “bread and cheese” most particularly.’ 35 This sentiment was echoed hy Mr. Churchward, Chairman of the Pembroke Dock Conservatives and Chief Engineer of the Government Dockyards, who commented ‘our dis­endowment will follow dockyard disestablishment’ .36

A member of the Owen family had represented Pembroke Boroug hs since the Restoration.37   However, by 1868 Thomas   Meyrick   was   firmly   in control of the Dockyard vote which, following the reforms of the previous year, now far outstripped the other boroughs of Milford, Tenby and Wiston.38 Meyrick’s supporters put great emphasis on his obvious connec­tion with the local com munity, a claim Hugh Owen could no longer make following the sale of Orielton to Colonel Morgan Saurin in 1857.39 The owner of the Bush estate could also count on the support of influential dockyard officers. Liberal suspicions of foul play had been aroused by the involvement of a number of these men with Meyrick’ s campaign. Mr. Fincham, the Master Shipwright and Mr. Chevalier, the Storekeeper, were active in the Conservative campaign. Both had contemplated joining Mr Churchward on Meyrick’s electioneering committee .40   S ir Hugh’s supporters also accused Meyrick of using his position as a landlord to intimidate his tenants.41 It was all to no avail and following the withdrawal of his petition against Meyrick’s delayed appointment Sir Hugh was forced to face the terrible debt that had amounted against his family, much of which was the result of his family’s costly electioneering .42 The downfall of this once influential family was complete with Hugh Owen’s death as a ‘ public beggar by subscription’ in 1891. 43

In the Haverfordwest Boroughs it was left to Colonel William Edwardes of Williamston to try and gain a victory for the Liberals following sixteen years of representation by John Scourfield. His opponent was Captain Samuel Pitman, an old friend of Reverend Philipps and staunch supporter of Anglicanism in Ireland .44 The retirement of Scourfield to the County seat and the unwillingness of any of the local landowners to put their names forward had forced the Haverfordwest Conservatives to seek the help of this gentle man from Norfolk .45 A trustee of Picton Castle, Pitman had been approached as a possible candidate by the newlywed Charles Fisher.46 His appointment was greeted with incredulity by the Haverford­west Liberals with the minister of Tabernacle, Reverend Long, particularly keen to know more about this stranger’s relationship to the biggest landowners in the constituency.47 The inability of the local Conservative contingent to muster a candidate from their own numbers suggests that the Telegraph had not been wrong in the assertion that the previous year’s reforms had shifted power away from its traditional holders.48 It also indicated the confusion Scourfield’s retirement, combined with Reverend Philipps’s relapse into ill health, had caused . Indeed, Philipps’s failing health appears to have been an important factor in Captain Pitman accept­ing the invitation. His correspondence with Charles Fisher, shortly before his decision to stand, showed his great concern for his ‘poor dear friend ‘ 49 and hinted at how serious matters had become behind the closed doors of Philipps’s ‘ horrid town house ‘.50 He wrote:


I can’t alter my opinion that his [Philipps] brain is affected by his illness and time alone can show to what extent, it will not surprise me if when he reaches town his London M.O. does not take a similar view against all preaching […] he seems to take no lasting interest in anything sayed [sic ] or person, a sort of childishness best conveys this view of his mental power.51


Without the aid of Philipps or Scourfield the Haverfordwest Conservative campaign was left rudderless, the weakness of their position without strong leadership from the local nobility was plain for all to see.

In contrast the Haverfordwest Liberals approached the coming election with confidence. In 1 857 the Baptist businessman William Rees had come within two votes or defeating Scourfield .52 ln 1865 the Liberals were able to mount another stiff challenge, this time it was the turn or William Edwardes to narrowly lose out. 53   Despite his good showing in 1865 , Colonel Edwardes, an old Etonian and a captain in the Coldstream Guards, 54 was still required to compete to lead the next Liberal offensive. He faced the aspirations of William Walters and William Owen of Withy­bush. Joint proprietors of the Telegraph, Owen was also a notable land ­ owner, holding 2,332 acres in the county.55 The three hopefuls submitted their claims and agreed to be bound over by the decision or the local Libcrals.56 Edwardes proved to be the c hoice of ‘ a party caucus ‘ that would later become the Pembrokeshire Liberal Association- . 7 It is likely that Edwardes’s standing in local society, with an estate of 6,537 acres in Pembrokeshire, 58 he lped to sway the decision in his favour.  Certainly the Colonel, a Churchman, was the least radical of  the three . ” His support for the abolition of Church rates and the disestablishment of the Irish Church was tempered by his opposition in 1865 towards the prospect of a secret ballot. 60 The Herald eagerly asserted that Edwardes’s military career rendered him an unsuitable candidate.61 In truth his local standing, in a ‘constituency which has ever manifested the strongest regard and affection for local ties and old associations ‘ ,62 gave him a great advantage over his earnest but unknown opponent.

Accusations of corruption were a constant feature throughout the electioneering in Haverfordwest. In early August the Telegraph predicted that during the coming election, ‘we will hear of landlords […l threaten­ing to turn men out of their homes, whose only fault is that they entertain different political opinions than their landlords ‘.63   Throughout the course of the campaigning the Telegraph repeated such accusations, frequently levelling them against the alleged ‘political influence’ exerted by Picton on behalf of a Conservative candidate who acted as a trustee for the Castle. 64 An outcry against the ‘ Picton screw’ and later the ‘ tradesmen screw’ reverberated throughout the local Liberal press.65 However, the allegation that Picton, through the threat of withholding trade, was able to bully the Haverfordwest tradesmen must be seen in comparison to the overwhelming victory of the Liberal candidates in the municipal elections which occurred less than two weeks before the parliamentary election.66 T he Telegraph trumpeted the outcome as evidence of the courage of the town’s tradesmen in the face of political coercion in this ‘preliminary trial of strength  between the political parties  now contending for the parliamentary representation of the Boroughs’ .67

Mathew Cragoe has stated that, following the political reforms of the second half of the nineteenth century, ‘religious principle was the chief determinant of voting behaviour’.68 The local Conservative press certainly feared that this was the case, countering accusations against landed influence by decrying the in fluence of the ministers – the ‘Dissenters’ screw’ . Following this line the Carmarthen Journal commented that the grip Welsh ministers held over the political conscience of their congre­gation was ‘a far tighter one than that of the Roman Catholic priests in Ireland’.69   The involvement of both the Anglican and Nonconformist clergy was certainly a feature in the Haverfordwest Boroughs election, with Reverend Thomas Davies D. of Bethesda chapel becoming in­volved in a war of words with Thomas Ault, the curate of Saint Mary’s.

The influence exerted by dissenting ministers in the name of Liberalism is a subject that has received some comment in recent Welsh historiog­raphy.70 However, Cragoe’s suggestion that the Anglican clergy ‘tended to shrink from contact with the electoral process itself’ 71 is not borne out by Ault’s passionate involvement on behalf of the local Conservatives. The battle between Ault and Davies dominated the local press throughout the election contest, with Pitman commenting that both Bethesda and Tabernacle had been converted into ‘a political conventicle in the Liberal interest’ .72 The Irish Church question provided the perfect debate over which the Haverfordwest Baptist College 73 could draw swords with Saint Mary’s.

Dr. Davies had accepted the position as the Principal of the College in the autumn of 1856 . 74 A noted firebrand he had cut his teeth at Merthyr Tydfil. It seems that his time serving the Baptist community in this hotbed of emerging Welsh Liberalism had provided him with a zeal for political preaching. His war of words with Ault obliterated any line that may have separated religious adherence to the political issues of the day. The battle between the head of the strongest denomination in the Haverfordwest District 75 and Reverend Philipps’s curate raged in the press. Local emotions boiled over with the vandalism of St. Mary’s church. Although no  evidence tied this ‘outrageous act’ to the political debates the churchwardens, Richard James and T. Rule Owen, condemned what they believed to be ‘a most wanton and premeditated action’ 76 on behalf of the town’s Liberal contingent.

Whilst the Baptists and Anglicans battled over the Irish Church, Captain Pitman continued to run a very traditional campaign. In Fishguard he courted Sir James Hamilton. Although a respected and influential land­ owner, Hamilton’s potential influence must be seen in comparison to John Scourfield’s confession that throughout his sixteen years as the Boroughs representative the town of Fishguard always presented an uphill struggle for the Conservatives. 77 Scourfield felt that the distinction between poli ­tical and religious matters was particularly muddied in Fishguard, com­menting in the Herald : ‘I do regret myself that matters or religion are made the subjects of political discussions, and particularly a struggle between parties’.78

Electioneering in Fishguard was undoubtedly challenging for Captain Pitman, but it was little in comparison to the hostility he faced in Narberth. On the last day of August Pitman took his campaign to the Rutzen Arms to deliver his second political address in the town.79 Met with a barrage of noise any attempts to introduce Pitman were shouted down and on stand­ing to speak the Conservative candidate was defeated by cries of ‘where are you from?’ 80 The increasingly restless crowd were only prepared to allow Reverend Chandler, a local landowner, to address the meeting.81 Chandler conceded that Narberth was a Liberal town but suggested that as the Liberals had turned their backs ‘upon constitutional principles’ those present would vote with the Church as a matter of ‘conscientious neces­sity’.82 The uproar that greeted Pitman’s further efforts to speak defeated him and the meeting concluded to the sounds of a fight that had broken out between rival supporters and an example of the Captain exhibiting what had become acknowledged to be his customary mild manners whilst being pelted with eggs.81 The axle bolt was later removed from his car­riage, causing the Herald to opine that such outrages could only weaken the Liberal cause, for above all things ‘Pembrokeshire men value fair play and no mean cowardice’.84 Ignoring this incident the Telegraph blamed Pitman’s supporters for a number of windows that were broken in the town during the night.85

Captain Pitman’s disastrous canvassing in Fishguard and Narberth and the Haverfordwest town Conservatives’ failure to secure the municipal elections were a sure indication of how far Conservatism had slipped in the Boroughs. On the 25th November the Telegraph printed the results of the Haverfordwest Boroughs election. After sixteen years of Tory dom­inance it was no surprise that the Liberals had carried the day.


Colonel Edwardes Mr. Pitman Majo
Haverfordwest 439 388 -51
Fishguard 98 61 3- 7
Narberth 101 48 5- 3
Total 638 I41


The local Conservatives had been outmanoeuvred by a new kind of electoral politics. The cohesion of Edwardes’s campaign combined with his support for Irish Church disestablishment had secured a historic victory for the Liberals. This defeat marked the end of Picton as the traditional centre of political authority in the Boroughs. William Edwardes, Baron Kensington as he became, would hold the seat until 1885 when Haver­fordwest was merged into the Pembroke Boroughs. From 1880 to 1892 Charles Philipps (Fisher) stood for the Conservatives in the Pembroke­shire constituency and was defeated on every occasion.87

When looking at the Haverfordwest Boroughs election of 1868 there is a resonance to loan Matthews’s warning that the ‘heroic version’ of 1868 in Wales – with its ‘mythical connotations associated with the ‘cracking of the ice’ 88 – should be tempered by the realisation that some of the results simply reflected the changed composition of individual electorates, par­ticularly in borough seats.89 The reforms of 1867 saw the Haverfordwest Boroughs electorate swell dramatically from 669 voters in 1865 to 1,135 in 1868. 90 The franchise reforms benefited the Liberals as they most notice­ ably increased the electorates of Narberth and Fishguard, which had both been introduced as contributory boroughs in 1832. 91 The political sym­pathies of these communities, predominantly Welsh speaking and Non­ conformist, lay with a Welsh Liberalism that had tapped into the sense or misrepresentation that had been fermenting throughout Wales. The question of Irish Church disestablishment was the perfect issue on which the newly enfranchised could make their voices heard. As far as the influence or the ‘Picton Screw’ or the ‘Dissenter Screw’ over the electorate are concerned, the changes in the franchise, combined with the cohesion or the Liberal offensive in the face of a weak Conservative effort, provides us with a more realistic explanation or the result than we would find by looking for examples of bullying or coercion from landowners or ministers.

In comparison to the rest of Wales the election of a landowning Liberal at Haverfordwest was far from remarkable.   K. O. Morgan has commented that twenty-four of the thirty-three Welsh MPs returned in 1868 were landowners with the majority of the Liberals returned undeniably Whiggish.92 Although the least radical of the three candidates Edwardes went on to prove his Liberal credentials, finding himself in the company or leading  liberationists such as Henry Richard (Merthyr Tydfil) and John Bright (Manchester) when in 1870 he voted in favour of Watkin Williams’s Welsh Church disestablishment bill.93 In the session 1874 to 1880 Lord Kensington would continue to show his commitment by supporting bills of a specific interest to Welsh Liberalism, including both of Osborne Morgan’s burial bills.94

The inscription found on the Picton Castle Coat of Arms  translates  as ‘Love of My Country Leads Me’.95 The battle for the Established Church, first in Ireland and then in Wales, rendered this sentiment at odds with the political Nonconformity that swept through Wales in the second half of the nineteenth century. The loved country spoken of in the inscription could not have been less in accordance with a Wales whose identity became remodelled by the political representatives of Welsh Nonconformity. For families such as the Philippses the love of their country and its institutions led them to oppose Church disestablishment. In the decades following 1868 the Welsh Liberals, concentrating their efforts on the Welsh Church as opposed to the total disestablishment of the Church of England, effectively boxed the Welsh landowners into assuming the position as the deniers of a Welsh nationhood that had been fashioned by Welsh Liberalism.96 This stance taken by the Welsh gentry in the face of the in creased franchise greatly contributed to their political decline.   In Pembrokeshire the traditional sense of deference to the old order would continue long after the dust of 1868 had settled. 97 Although Picton may have rescinded its grip over Haverfordwest’s  parliamentary representa­tion, it would continue as the focus of local social and cultural life into the first decades of the following century.


  1. Let your motto be, ” civil and religious liberty throughout the world” .’ Cor­respondence signed D. T. Philips, discussing the importance of the coming election for the newly enfranchised in Haverfordwest. Haverfordwest and Millord Haven Telegraph, 8 July 18 68 .
  2. In 1876 the Philippses owned 19,745 acres in Pembrokeshire, 23,105 acres overall. The Cawdor family of Stackpole Court owned 101 ,657 acres but only 17,735 of these were in Pembrokeshire. John Bateman, The Great Landowners of Great Britain and Ireland (1876: reprinted with introduction by D. Spring, Leicester. 1971).
  3.   Account of the return of the Philipps family to Haverfordwest taken from the Pembrokeshire Herald, 16 October 1868.
  4. The bond that existed between a landowner and the community was strength­ ened by the practice of the gentry of providing a degree of charitable For example, Rev. Philipps provided support through traditional means such as the Christmas Bounty. ‘The Rev. J. H. Philipps, of Picton Castle, caused a very large amount of beef to be distributed amongst the poor of the town on Friday. A number of half-crowns were likewise given to poor women by the same gentleman.’ Potter’s Electric News, 28 December 1859.
  5. Rowland Thorne, ‘Pembrokeshire in National Politics, 1815-1974’, in D. Howell (ed.), Modern Pembrokeshire (Haverfordwest, 1993), 227.
  6. E.S. Price, ‘Elections and Electioneering in the Pembroke Boroughs 1865- 1874’ (University of Wales, Aberystwyth, M.A. thesis, 1977), 2-3.
  7. E.S. Price, Thesis, 3.
  8. D. Howell comments that it is necessary to recognise that certain estates in Pembrokeshire ‘were veritable miniature welfare states’. ‘Editor’s Preface ‘ , Modern Pembrokeshire (Haverfordwest, 1993), viii.
  9. David Howell, Land and People in Nineteenth Century Wales (London, 1977), xiii.
  10. Henry Richard remarks on the work of the cheap press in ‘Cause of Anomalies in the Political Representation – Influence of the Clergy’, Letters on the Social and Political Condition of the Principality lWales (London, 1866), 86.
  11.  David Howell, Land and People in Nineteenth Century Wales (London, 1977) xiii.
  12. Henry Richard, ‘The Past Religious and Moral Condition of Wales’ , Letters on the Social and Political Condition of Wales (London, 1866),
  13. loan Matthews, ‘Disturbing the Peace of the County’: The Cannarthenshire General Election of 1868′, Welsh History Review, 19, 3 (1999), 454.
  14. K.O. Morgan, Rebirth of a Nation: A History of Modern Wales (Oxford, 1981), 12.
  15. Henry Richard, Letters on the Social and Political Condition of the Principality of Wales (London, 1866), 93.
  16. K.O. Morgan, Rebirth (1981), 9-12. See also Ieuan Gwynedd Jones , ‘The Elections of 1865 and 1868 in Wales with special reference to Cardiganshire and Merthyr Tydfil’, The Transactions of the Honourable Society of Cymmro­dorion, 1, (1964), 41-68.
  17. K.O. Morgan, Rebirth (1981), 12.
  18. Rowland Thorne has remarked that 1747 was the year that William Edwardes represented the Borough, the first of his family to do so he had been made a burgess of the Picton Castle interest in I737 and was therefore ‘clearly acceptable to Sir John Philipps, 6th Baronet’. It was here that the tradition of Picton supporting the Baron Kensingtons began. R. Thorne, ‘The Political scene at Haverfordwest 1660-1918’ in Dillwyn Miles (ed.) A History of the Town and County of Haverfordwest (Llandysul, 1999) , 202.
  19. For a discussion on the enduring linguistic significance of the Landsker see Brian John, ‘The Linguistic Significance of the Pembrokeshire Landsker’ , The Pembrokeshire Historian, no.4 (1972), 7-28.
  20. For a discussion on the make up of th gwerin of rural Wales see Ieuan Gwynedd Jones, Explorations and Explanations: Essays in the Social History of Victorian Wales (Llandysul, 1981), ch. 8, 269-299.
  21. See Ann Day, ‘ ” Driven from Home” : The Closure of Pembroke Dockyard and the Impact on it’s Community ‘ , Llafur, 7, 1. And E. S. Price, Thesis (see note 6).
  22. Contemporary A. Findlay attributed this appellation to the influx of outside trades people into Pembroke Dock in the nineteenth century. See J. A. Findlay, A Handbook of Pembroke Dock ( Haverfordwest, 1875). In truth the name has a much older history and is linked to the long anglicisation of south Pembrokeshire following the establishment of an Anglo-Norman lordship in the cantref of Penfro in 1093. See I. W. Rowlands , ‘Conquest and Survival’, in F. Walker (ed.), Pembrokeshire County History,Vol. II, Medieval Pembroke­shire (Haverfordwest, 2002), 1- 20.
  23. loan Matthews, ‘Pembrokeshire County Politics , 1860 – 1880 ‘, The Journal of the Pembrokeshire Historical Society, 9 (2000), 39.
  24. The 1851 Religious Census suggests that the National Average for Angli­canism in a Welsh district was 20%. In the Pembroke District it was recorded at 3%, 27.2% in the Narberth District and 20.4% in Haverfordwest. All statistical evidence taken from Dot Jones, Statistical Evidence relating to the Welsh Language 180 119 11 (Cardiff, 1998), 425-34.
  25. loan Matthews, ‘ Pembrokeshire County Politics, 1860- 1880 ‘ , The Journal of the Pembrokeshire   Historical Society, 9 (2000),Par Debt., 3rd Series, vol. CCI, co l. 1303-1304 (1870).
  26. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 8 July 1868.
  27. Pembrokeshire Herald, 21 August 1868
  28. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 8 July 1868
  29. Parl. Debt., 3rd Series, vol CCI, col. 1303-1304 (1870)
  30. Times, 1 February 1876 . Times, 9 August 1876.
  31. In 1876 Meyrick owned 8,164 acres in Wales, 4,253 of which were in Pem­brokeshire. His land had a grand annual value of £30,105.00. John Bateman, The Great Landowners of Great Britain and Ireland (reprint, 1971). See also Muriel Bowen Evans, ‘The Land and its People, 1815 -1974’ , in D. Howell (ed.) , Modern Pembrokeshire (Haverfordwest, 1993), 14-15.
  32. E. S. Price (1977), 73.
  33. E. S. Price (1977), 72.
  34. E. S. Price (1977) , 73.
  35. Camarthen Journal, 30 October 1868.
  36. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 29 July 1868.
  37. E. S. Price (1977), 1.
  38. E. S. Price (1977), 74.
  39. Dillwyn Miles, ‘Lord of Orielton, 1781-1859’, The Journal of the Pembroke- shire Historical Society, 14 (2005), 22.
  40. E. S. Price (1977), 77.
  41. E. S. Price (1977), 77, 86.
  42. For example, in 1841 Sir John Owen and Hugh Owen contested each other for the Pembroke Boroughs. A. J. James and J. E. Thomas, Wales at Westminster: a History of the Parliamentary Representation of Wales 1800-1979 (Llandysul, 1981), 45. See also Henry Owen, Old Pembroke Families in the Ancient County Palatine of Pembroke (London, 1902), 114-115.
  43. Rowland Thorne, ‘Pembrokeshire in National Politics’, in D. Howell (ed.) Modern Pemhmkeshire (1993), 245.
  44. Pitman described himself as ‘a Conservative entertaining liberal views towards all good measures’ and ‘decidedly opposed to disestablishment in Ireland’. Haverfordwest and Mi(ford Haven Telegraph, 19August
  45. In reply to the constant queries about his relationship to Haverfordwest and, more tellingly, Picton Castle, Captain Pitman cited an extract from ‘the Book of the County Families of England’ which described him as a gentleman from Norfolk and a one time JP for Somerset. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 7 October
  46. NLW Picton Castle MS Letter from Picton Castle to Charles Edward Gregg Fishe r, 27 August 1868. Pembrokeshire Herald, 7 August 1868.
  47. Reverend Long was a repeated critic of Pitman, both from the pulpit and in the Liberal See Haverfordwest and Mi(ford Haven Telegraph, 30 September 1868 for a typical example.
  48. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 8 July
  49. NLW Picton Castle MS 615, Pitman to Fisher, 30 April
  50. NLW Picton Castle MS 615, Pitman to Fisher, 17 February
  51. NLW Picton Castle MS 615. Pitman to Fisher, 12 July
  52. loan Matthews, JPHS (2000), 39.
  53. loan Matthews, JPHS (2000), 47.
  54. Rowland Thome in D. Howell (ed.) (1993),
  55. Rowland Thome in D. Howell (ed.) (1993), pp. 244-245. John Bateman (D. Spring, 1971).
  56. Rowland Thorne in D. Howell (ed.) (1993),
  57.  Ibid
  58. John Bateman (D. Spring, 1971).
  59. Rowland Thorne describes him as ‘a restrained Liberal’. R. Thome in Miles (ed.), A History of the Town and County of Haverfordwest (Llandysul, 1999), 215.
  60. Printed notes of Edwardes’s electioneering policies, Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 8 July 1868. Col. Edwardes admits, during the ‘second public meeting of Edwardes’ supporters’ in the Market Hall, Haverfordwest, that in 1865 he did not support the idea of the vote by ballot, but would be prepared to support it if elected in 1868. Telegraph, 9 September 1868.
  61. Pembrokeshire Herald, 7 August 1868
  62. Pembrokeshire Herald, 20 November
  63. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 5 August 1868.
  64. For example, when discussing Samuel Pitman’s role as a trustee of Picton Castle the Telegraph concluded that ‘the martyr hosts of Conservative can­ vassers are led to the stake by the managing representatives of that property’. Haverfordwest and Mi{f’ord Haven Telegraph, 5 August
  65. The first reference to the ‘Picton screw’ appears in an article entitled ‘Mr. Pitman and his probable resignation’, Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 5 August See also letter by ‘A. Looker-on’, Telegraph , 12 August 1868. In early October ‘A Brother Tradesman’ accuses Picton of attempting to ‘interfere with the tradesmen of this town with regard to their conscientious views in public matters’. Telegra ph , 21 October 1868.
  66. CONSERVATIVES: W. Philips, 262 votes, R. Williams, 266 votes, w. Y. James 267 votes, John Davies, 304 votes. LIBERALS: John Lewis, 392 votes, Joseph Thomas, 390 votes, W. Williams, 381 votes, A. Beynon, 373 votes. Hav erford­ west and Mi(ford Haven Telegraph, 4 November 1868.
  67. Haverfordwest and Milford Haven Telegraph, 4 November
  68. Matthew Cragoe, ‘Conscience or Coercion? Clerical Influence at the General Election of I 868 in Wales’, Past and Present, 149 (1995),
  69. The CJ was responding to an inflammatory letter that first appeared in ‘Y Dydd’ that was attributed to an organization called the Liverpool Welsh reform Association. Carmarthen Journal, 30 October 1868.
  70. See Matthew Cragoe, ‘Conscience or Coercion? Clerical Influence at the General Election of 1868 in Wales’, in Past and Present, 149 (1995), 140- 169.
  71. Matthew Craogoe (1995), I
  72. Pembrokeshire Herald, 9 October
  73. Established in Haverfordwest in Rev. R. C. Roberts, Baptist Historical Sketches in Pembrokeshire (Pembroke Dock, 1907),107.
    1. Rev. R. C. Roberts (1907), 108.
  74. The Baptists claimed 29.4 percent of attendance in the Haverfordwest District on Census Sunday 1851, their national average was 17.4 percent. Statistics taken from Dot Jones (1998), 425-3
  75. Pembrokeshire Herald, 9 October
  76. Pembrokes hire Herald, 6 November